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Wednesday 5 April 2017

On conflating politics with science.

March for Science Is Going to Be a Hell of a Mess — Bring It On
David Klinghoffer | @d_klinghoffer

Coming on April 22 to the Mall in Washington, DC, plus hundreds of other locations around the country and the world, the March for Science is gloriously misnamed. The word “science” has many meanings, but most people think of it as the evidence-based search for truth about the natural world, with no holds barred.

In this understanding of science, there are no preconceived conclusions, no sacred dogma, no repression of disfavored thinkers or politically incorrect thoughts, no politics, no parties, no agenda beyond teasing out the truth. The March for Science isn’t really about all that.

Sure, it pays lip service to this common conception of science, derived for many people from science classes you took in high school and college. But judging from the coverage we’ve seen up till now, it looks like the march is set to be an exercise in self-congratulation and virtue signaling, political axe-grinding, a veiled grab by ideological partisans for power and funding. We venture to predict that most marchers won’t even be scientists but, instead, people looking to seize hold of the prestige of science for their own ends.

There’s been much talk of diversity, as organizers have revised the diversity statement on their website multiple times, so that nobody — no possible sexuality, ethnicity, or other identify — feels left out. This rainbow coalition, however, expects lock-step agreement with its views on controversial scientific claims.

The organizers, meanwhile, have been racked by infighting, and some clear-eyed scientists have warned colleagues to beware of conflating science with political agendas.

To all appearances, it’s going to be a hell of a mess, and we say: Bring it on.

Why? Because Americans are going to get a look at something we’ve been telling you about for years. And it’s not going to be pretty. Science, more and more, has been hijacked. Rather than glorying in freewheeling debate, it increasingly insists on conformity. It’s in step with the times on university campuses, where intellectual diversity is frowned on at best, or, at worst, drowned out by screaming, sometimes violent young people.

Advocates of the theory of intelligent design have been protesting for open discussion for two decades now. We’ve seen the closing of the American mind up close. We were the canary in the coalmine, as Darwin skeptics became among the first scholars to feel the impact of the insistence on intellectual conformity.

The academy and the media ignored our warnings. Evolution’s apologists claimed there was no controversy about evolution. They denied the existence of the rumblings going on in peer-reviewed science journals.

On the issue of evolution, Stephen Meyer in Darwin’s Doubt (2013) documented the growing discontent among mainstream scientists with orthodox Darwinian theory. He was dramatically vindicated this past November when the august Royal Society in London met to consider “New Trends in Evolutionary Biology.” The very first speaker, Austrian evolutionary theorist Gerd Müller, stood up and acknowledged that evolution lacks explanations for three major mysteries of life’s history, what most people think of when they think of “evolution.” See my article with Paul Nelson, “Scientists Confirm: Darwinism Is Broken.”

But the media covers all this up. As Meyer notes in Darwin’s Doubt, “Rarely has there been such a great disparity between the popular perception of a theory and its actual standing in the relevant peer-reviewed science literature.”

Rather than candidly acknowledge dissent among scientists, the media together with the academic community insists on assent from the populace in favor of what Douglas Axe calls Darwinism’s “self-righteous monoculture,” or what Jonathan Wells describes in a new book as “zombie science.”

The March for Science promises to be a massive demonstration of that monoculture, applied to several areas of scientific, political, and cultural disagreement. The marchers will demand an end to that disagreement. And if recent episodes on campuses such as U.C. Berkeley and Middlebury College are any sign, we should not be surprised to see violence.

The March’s website includes a “Statement on Peaceful Assembly and Nonviolence.” “We do not condone violence,” they say. But if they weren’t well aware of the possibility, they wouldn’t need to have a statement on it.

We take no pleasure in saying “We told you so.” But…we did tell you so. This monoculture with its intense dislike of debate seems set to be exposed in all its ugly quasi-fascism. Getting an eyeful of that, for the public, may be a step on the road to recovering intellectual freedom.

Jonathan Haidt of Heterodox Academy hit the nail on the head in a Wall Street Journal interview this past weekend. He spoke specifically of campus disorder and disrespect for genuine diversity. But what happens in Washington, DC, will likely be an extension of that.

“What I think is happening,” Mr. Haidt says, is that “as the visible absurdity on campus mounts and mounts, and as public opinion turns more strongly against universities — and especially as the line of violence is crossed — we are having more and more people standing up saying, ‘Enough is enough. I’m opposed to this.’” Let’s hope.

Indeed, looking forward to April 22, that could be the best outcome for the March for Science.

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Let Jehovah God be found true III




Are Jehovah's Witnesses guilty of twisting the scriptures found at Daniel 1:1 and Daniel 2:1 to support their fundamental belief regarding 1914?

At Daniel 1:1 we read the following:

"In the third year of the kingship of Jehoiakim the king of Judah, Nebuchadnezzar the king of Babylon came to Jerusalem and proceeded to lay siege to it."

Referring to a later period, Daniel 2:1 reads:

"And in the second year of the kingship of Nebuchadnezzar, Nebuchadnezzar dreamed dreams; and his spirit began to feel agitated, and his very sleep was made to be something beyond him."

How do Jehovah's Witnesses interpret these scriptures?

With regards to "the third year of the kingship of Jehoiakim" referred to at Daniel 1:1, the following comments are offered:

"Second Kings 24:1 shows that Nebuchadnezzar brought pressure upon the Judean king "and so Jehoiakim became his servant [or vassal] for three years. However, he [Jehoiakim] turned back and rebelled against him [Nebuchadnezzar]." Evidently it is to this third year of Jehoiakim as a vassal king under Babylon that Daniel refers at Daniel 1:1."—Insight on the Scriptures, Volume 1, p. 1269.
"This "third year" of vassalage to Babylon would be the eleventh year of Jehoiakim's entire reign."—The Watchtower, September 15, 1964, p. 637.

And, the "second year" of Nebuchadnezzar mentioned at Daniel 2:1, is interpreted as follows:

"The book of Daniel states that it was in "the second year" of Nebuchadnezzar's kingship (probably counting from the destruction of Jerusalem in 607 B.C.E. and therefore actually referring to his 20th regnal year) that Nebuchadnezzar had the dream about the golden-headed image. (Da 2:1)"—Insight on the Scriptures, Volume 2, p. 481.
"In the second year after Nebuchadnezzar's destruction of Jerusalem in 607 B.C.E., which would be the twentieth year of his kingship over Babylon but the second year of his exercise of world domination, he had a dream that was a prophecy from God. (Dan. 2:1)"—The Watchtower, December 15, 1964, p. 756.

How can Jehovah's Witnesses say these things, especially when the Scriptures appear to be so clear on the matter? Is it not a deliberate distortion of God's Word to suggest that these scriptures do not mean what they say?


Daniel 1:1


The Bible encyclopedia, Insight on the Scriptures, summarizes the Witnesses' position on Daniel 1:1 well:

"Second Kings 24:1 shows that Nebuchadnezzar brought pressure upon the Judean king "and so Jehoiakim became his servant [or vassal] for three years. However, he [Jehoiakim] turned back and rebelled against him [Nebuchadnezzar]." Evidently it is to this third year of Jehoiakim as a vassal king under Babylon that Daniel refers at Daniel 1:1. It could not be Jehoiakim's third year of his 11-year reign over Judah, for at that time Jehoiakim was a vassal, not to Babylon, but to Egypt's Pharaoh Necho. It was not until Jehoiakim's fourth year of rule over Judah that Nebuchadnezzar demolished Egyptian domination over Syria-Palestine by his victory at Carchemish (625 B.C.E. [apparently after Nisan]). (Jer 46:2) Since Jehoiakim's revolt against Babylon led to his downfall after about 11 years on the throne, the beginning of his three-year vassalage to Babylon must have begun toward the end of his eighth year of rule, or early in 620 B.C.E."—Insight on the Scriptures, Volume 1, p. 1269.

Can this explanation be substantiated? A detailed examination of the Biblical and historical facts bears out that it can. However, let us first establish some of the surrounding details.

Critics of Jehovah's Witnesses often put forward the idea that Nebuchadnezzar laid siege to Judah and took captives in his accession year (605 B.C.E., according to secular chronology). By their reasoning, this enables them to suggest that the seventy years of servitude commenced at this time, even though, in actuality, this would amount to only 67 years. Some of these critics have gone on the record stating that the year of Nebuchadnezzar's reign is not mentioned along with the "third year of Jehoiakim" at Daniel 1:1, because it was Nebuchadnezzar's accession year. Incidentally, this claim is false. Nebuchadnezzar ascended to the throne following the battle of Carchemish, which didn't occur until the fourth year of Jehoiakim. This is attested to by the Scriptures (Jeremiah 46:2), and is also supported by Jewish historian Josephus, and most modern-day historical references that deal with the subject. For example, the Handbook of Biblical Chronology, by historian Jack Finegan (Princeton University, 1964), p. 200 states: "According to the contemporary prophet Jeremiah, the battle of Carchemish took place in the fourth year of King Jehoiakim of Judah." After a detailed examination of Jeremiah's claim, Finegan concludes on p. 201: "This was in fact in the fourth year of King Jehoiakim as stated in Jer 46:2."

But what about Jeremiah 25:1, where "the fourth year of Jehoiakim" is equated with the "first year of Nebuchadnezzar?" Finegan goes on to explain:

"In Hebrew the words are hashshanah haroshniyt. The phrase is not found elsewhere but we recognize, modifying the word "year," the feminine singular form of the adjective which can mean either "first" or "beginning." Since a related noun is used in the standard designation of an accession year, the phrase in Jer 25:1 probably also means the "beginning year," i.e., the accession year, of Nebuchadnezzar. Accepting this as the correct translation, the synchronism in Jer 25:1 is correct and in agreement with that in Jer 46:2. The fourth year of Jehoiakim included the battle of Carchemish and the accession of Nebuchadnezzar to the throne of Babylon."—Handbook of Biblical Chronology, Jack Finegan, Princeton University, 1964, p. 202.

Thus, Jewish historian Josephus was correct in reporting that "in the fourth year of the reign of Jehoiakim, one whose name was Nebuchadnezzar took the government over the Babylonians." (Antiquities of the Jews, Book X, Chapter VI, Verse 1) The Bible confirms the testimony that Nebuchadnezzar did not defeat Egypt until the fourth year of Jehoiakim, up until which point Judah continued as a vassal to Egypt:

"This is what occurred as the word of Jehovah to Jeremiah the prophet concerning the nations: For Egypt, concerning the military force of Pharaoh Necho the king of Egypt, who happened to be by the river Euphrates at Carchemish, whom Nebuchadrezzar the king of Babylon defeated in the fourth year of Jehoiakim the son of Josiah, the king of Judah."—Jeremiah 46:1-2.

The Biblical testimony on this subject does not end there. The book of Jeremiah contains "the words of Jeremiah . . . to whom the word of Jehovah occurred." (Jeremiah 1:1-2) These included Jeremiah's prophetic pronouncements against disobedient Judah, which began in the thirteenth year of Josiah, and continued down to "the completion of the eleventh year of Zedekiah the son of Josiah, the king of Judah, until Jerusalem went into exile in the fifth month." (Jeremiah 1:3) After some 23 years of continuous prophesying, specifically in the fourth and fifth years of Jehoiakim's reign, we read of the nature of Jeremiah's message at this time:

"Now it came about in the fourth year of Jehoiakim the son of Josiah, the king of Judah, that this word occurred to Jeremiah from Jehovah,  saying: "Take for yourself a roll of a book, and you must write in it all the words that I have spoken to you against Israel and against Judah and against all the nations, since the day that I spoke to you, since the days of Josiah, clear down to this day. Perhaps those of the house of Judah will listen to all the calamity that I am thinking of doing to them, to the end that they may return, each one from his bad way, and that I may actually forgive their error and their sin."—Jeremiah 36:1-3.
"Now it came about in the fifth year of Jehoiakim the son of Josiah, the king of Judah, in the ninth month, that all the people in Jerusalem and all the people that were coming in from the cities of Judah into Jerusalem proclaimed a fast before Jehovah. . . . And against Jehoiakim the king of Judah you should say, 'This is what Jehovah has said: "You yourself have burned up this roll, saying, 'Why is it that you have written on it, saying: "The king of Babylon will come without fail and will certainly bring this land to ruin and cause man and beast to cease from it"?'"—Jeremiah 36:9, 29.

The above scriptures suggest that by the "fifth year of Jehoiakim," Nebuchadnezzar had not yet come up against Judah, for Jehoiakim confidently rejects the words of Jeremiah in disbelief, inasmuch as he burned up the roll upon which Jeremiah's words were written.

Yet, some contend that statements made by Berossus, a Babylonian priest of Bel who lived more than 250 years after the fact, indicate that Nebuchadnezzar did in fact take Jewish captives in his accession year. Nevertheless, it has been observed that "many modern scholars have been inclined to distrust Berossus." (A Scheme of Babylonian Chronology, Duncan Macnaughton, London, 1930, p. 2) Aside from the fact that there are no cuneiform tablets supporting Berossus' alleged claim (whereas cuneiform documentation does exist for Nebuchadnezzar's first siege against Judah in his 7th yearftn1), it is unlikely that Nebuchadnezzar took captives from Judah after the battle of Carchemish, as we are told that, although having defeated Egypt, "he was prevented from following up his advantage immediately because the death of his father in Babylon made it necessary for him to return home to be crowned." (Biblical Archaeology, Westminster Press, Philadelphia, 1979 edition, p. 177.) Along similar lines, A History of Ancient Israel and Judah, by J. Maxwell Miller and John H. Hayes, adds that "The young Babylonian crown prince [Nebuchadnezzar] had to depart Syria speedily upon receiving word of the death of his father." (p. 389)

Also, it is noteworthy that Jewish historian Josephus specifically reports that Nebuchadnezzar did not take Jewish captives in his accession year:

"Now in the fourth year of the reign of Jehoiakim, one whose name was Nebuchadnezzar . . . the king of Babylon passed over Euphrates, and took all Syria, as far as Pelusium, excepting Judea."—Antiquities of the Jews, Book X, Chapter VI, Verse 1.

But even more telling is the silence of the Biblical record as to any captivity prior to the seventh year of Nebuchadnezzar when expressly dealing with the subject at Jeremiah 52:28-30. Unquestionably, a book that so extensively details the history of the Jewish nation with such candor and honesty, would not be lacking in such details if they were historically factual.

Josephus explains that it was not until Jehoiakim refused to "pay his tribute" to the Babylonian king, in Jehoiakim's third year as a vassal king (which was his eleventh year as king over the Hebrews, and Nebuchadnezzar's seventh regnal year), that Nebuchadnezzar proceeded to lay siege to Jerusalem. (Daniel 1:1; 2 Kings 24:1; 2 Chronicles 36:5-7):

"But when Nebuchadnezzar had already reigned four years, which was the eighth of Jehoiakim's government over the Hebrews, the king of Babylon made an expedition with mighty forces against the Jews, and required tribute of Jehoiakim, and threatened, on his refusal, to make war against him. He was affrighted at his threatening, and bought his peace with money, and brought the tribute he was ordered to bring for three years. But on the third year, upon hearing that the king of the Babylonians made an expedition against the Egyptians, he did not pay his tribute."—Antiquities of the Jews, Book X, Chapter VI, Verses 1, 2.

It was a short time after this that Nebuchadnezzar took the first Jewish captives. It was expressly because of Jehoiakim's rebellion that Nebuchadnezzar took captives, for up to that point he had Jerusalem's full cooperation, as observed by historian G. Ernest Wright:

"Jehoiakim of Judah promptly submitted and remained loyal for a time before rebelling (II Kings 24:1)."—Biblical Archaeology, Westminster Press, Philadelphia, 1979 edition, p. 177, 179.

Historian and chronologist Jack Finegan further expands:

"The purpose of Nebuchadnezzar now undoubtedly included punishment of the defection of Judah and re-establishment of his control there, and in the record of the seventh year we are told explicitly of an attack upon "the city of Judah" which must mean Jerusalem."—Light from the Ancient Past, Princeton University, Second Printing, 1974, p. 222.

Josephus' account agrees with the Biblical record at Jeremiah 52:28-30, which specifically reports that Nebuchadnezzar took Jewish captives in his 7th year, 18th year and 23rd year. Critics may point out that Jeremiah 52:28-30 does not say that Nebuchadnezzar did not take captives in his accession year, however, the conclusive nature of verses 28 to 30 does not allow for this, as the highlighted portions demonstrate:

"These are the people whom Nebuchadrezzar took into exile: in the seventh year, three thousand and twenty-three Jews.
In the eighteenth year of Nebuchadrezzar, from Jerusalem there were eight hundred and thirty-two souls.
In the twenty-third year of Nebuchadrezzar, Nebuzaradan the chief of the bodyguard took Jews into exile, seven hundred and forty-five souls.
All the souls were four thousand and six hundred."—Jeremiah 52:28-30.

While critics of Jehovah's Witnesses frequently put forward the theory that Nebuchadnezzar took Jewish captives in his accession year, so as to suggest that the "seventy years" commenced at this time, this is not the position generally taken by modern historians. For example, the following authoritative references support the understanding that the first Jewish captives were not taken until Nebuchadnezzar's seventh year:

A History of the Babylonians and Assyrians
by George Stephen Goodspeed, Professor of Ancient History, University of Chicago, 1927.
The Greatness That Was Babylon
H. W. F. Saggs, London University, 1962.
Archaeology and the Old Testament World
Dr. John Gray, King's College, University of Aberdeen, 1962.
Everyday Life in Babylonia and Assyria
H. W. F. Saggs, 1965.

Light from the Ancient PastJack Finegan, Princeton University, 1974.
Biblical ArchaeologyG. Ernest Wright, Westminster, 1979.

Furthermore, it would be nonsensical to suggest that Nebuchadnezzar laid siege to Jerusalem and took captives in his accession year, and then didn't demand tribute (i.e., vassalage) from Jehoiakim for another four to five years. It was only after having already served faithfully as a tributary king under Nebuchadnezzar for three years, and then rebelling, that Nebuchadnezzar saw fit to punish Judah.

Interestingly, the verses immediately following Daniel 1:1 may provide the most convincing evidence that Daniel was not referring to the third year of Jehoiakim's kingship over Judah:

"In the third year of the kingship of Jehoiakim the king of Judah, Nebuchadnezzar the king of Babylon came to Jerusalem and proceeded to lay siege to it. In time Jehovah gave into his hand Jehoiakim the king of Judah and a part of the utensils of the house of the [true] God, so that he brought them to the land of Shinar to the house of his god; and the utensils he brought to the treasure-house of his god.
Then the king said to Ashpenaz his chief court official to bring some of the sons of Israel and of the royal offspring and of the nobles, children in whom there was no defect at all, but good in appearance and having insight into all wisdom and being acquainted with knowledge, and having discernment of what is known, in whom also there was ability to stand in the palace of the king; and to teach them the writing and the tongue of the Chaldeans."—Daniel 1:1-4.

Verse 2 relates that Jehovah gave Jehoiakim and "a part of the utensils" of the temple into the hand of Nebuchadnezzar. This event certainly did not occur in Jehoiakim's third year over Judah, as 2 Kings 23:36 and 2 Chronicles 36:5 tell us that Jehoiakim reigned in Jerusalem for a total of eleven years. Those who attempt to equate this event (at Daniel 1:2) with the tributary submission mentioned at 2 Kings 24:1 seem to ignore the fact that a siege was not necessary  to persuade Jehoiakim to submit; the siege is mentioned only in connection with Jehoiakim's rebellion after having served faithfully for three years. Thus, Jehoikim's being given into the hand of Nebuchadnezzar did not occur in his third year over Judah, but rather, refers to the capture and death of Jehoiakim in his eleventh year, after which, 2 Kings 24:8-17 reports, Jehoiakim's son, Jehoiachin, reigned for only three months in Jerusalem before himself being taken captive to Babylon, along with "the princes and all the valiant, mighty men," which presumably included Daniel himself.

It is these "princes" and "valiant men," mentioned at 2 Kings 24:12-14 as being taken captive in the eighth year of Nebuchadnezzar, that Daniel 1:3 refers to as "royal offspring" and "nobles." The "princes" (or "royal offspring") could not have been taken captive more than once, indicating that the events described at Daniel 1:1-3 are the same as those described at 2 Kings 24:12-16 (where it is established that "all the princes and all the valiant, mighty men" were taken captive).

Also, please note that verse 3 begins with the adverb "then" (NWTNIVNKJV; other translations use "and," meaning "together with or along with") indicating that the events described in this verse occurred at the time of, or following, the events mentioned in the previous verse. Therefore, the exiles mentioned at Daniel 1:3 were brought to Babylon after Jehoiakim was given into Nebuchadnezzar's hand, in the eleventh year of his reign over Judah.

When these details are not overlooked, it becomes increasingly obvious that Daniel 1:1-3 is nothing more than a condensed account of 2 Kings 24:1-17 and 2 Chronicles 36:5-10. It is not unusual that Daniel omits mention of Jehoiakim's son, Jehoiachin, since his reign lasted a mere three months before he was whisked away to Babylon along with the other "royal offspring." The fact that this three month reign was considered insignificant so far as Bible prophecy is concerned is seen in the fact that Jeremiah 36:30 foretells that Jehoiakim would "come to have no one sitting upon the throne of David." True to this prophecy, during the continuing siege against Jerusalem, Jehoiachin was removed from the throne by Nebuchadnezzar shortly after his accession.

In light of the above evidence establishing that Daniel was not referring to Jehoiakim's third year of his eleven-year kingship over Judah, is it reasonable to suggest that he was stating the year of Jehoiakim's reign as a tributary king under Nebuchadnezzar?

Most definitely. As already touched upon, the Bible shows that the "siege" referred to at Daniel 1:1 is a parallel account to that described at 2 Kings 24:1-2, which plainly states that Nebuchadnezzar laid siege to Judah after Jehoiakim rebelled upon completing three years of tributary kingship to the Babylonian king:

"In his days Nebuchadnezzar the king of Babylon came up, and so Jehoiakim became his servant for three years. However, he turned back and rebelled against him. And Jehovah began to send against him marauder bands of Chaldeans and marauder bands of Syrians and marauder bands of Moabites and marauder bands of the sons of Ammon, and he kept sending them against Judah to destroy it."—2 Kings 24:1-2.

Additionally, becoming a vassal to a foreign king was a significant political event, which could easily change the terms by which a king's reign was reckoned. Historian and chronologist Jack Finegan presents details to that effect:

"At that time and in connection with that submission Jehoiakim may very well have accepted the Babylonian calendar. As late as the eighteenth year of Josiah the old Israelite year was still in use and the regnal year began in the fall, and the same was probably true up to the present point in the reign of Jehoiakim. But with the acceptance of the Babylonian calendar the regnal year would begin in the spring."—Handbook of Biblical Chronology, Princeton University, 1964, pp. 202-3.

So, instead of trying to reconcile the king's past reign under the new Babylonian calendar, which would introduce a seven-month shift (and confusion) into the equation, the Jews may have kept a separate count of Jehoiakim's kingship under Nebuchadnezzar.

In summary, as the preceding evidence demonstrates, the "third year of the kingship of Jehoiakim," referred to at Daniel 1:1 cannot be referring to his third year over Judah, and therefore, is presumably expressed in terms of Jehoiakim's tributary kingship.


Daniel 2:1


Once it has been established that Daniel 1:1 refers to the third year of Jehoiakim's tributary kingship under Nebuchadnezzar, the meaning of Daniel 2:1 is immediately affected, for Daniel would not have been brought to Babylon until Nebuchadnezzar's eighth regnal year, and therefore could not stand before the king in his "second year."

Despite this foregone conclusion, there is further evidence supporting this position, which in turn, corroborates the evidence put forth regarding Daniel 1:1.

Daniel 1:3-5, 18 demonstrates that Daniel 2:1 cannot be referring to Nebuchadnezzar's second regnal year:

"Then the king said to Ashpenaz his chief court official to bring some of the sons of Israel and of the royal offspring and of the nobles, children in whom there was no defect at all, but good in appearance and having insight into all wisdom and being acquainted with knowledge, and having discernment of what is known, in whom also there was ability to stand in the palace of the king; and to teach them the writing and the tongue of the Chaldeans. Furthermore, to them the king appointed a daily allowance from the delicacies of the king and from his drinking wine, even to nourish them for three years, that at the end of these they might stand before the king. . . . And at the end of the days that the king had said to bring them in, the principal court official also proceeded to bring them in before Nebuchadnezzar."—Daniel 1:3-5, 18.

Yes, during a three-year educational program Daniel and his companions were to learn the "the writing and the tongue of the Chaldeans." This would be a necessary step, since Jehovah foretold that the "house of Israel" would become subject to a nation "whose language [they] do not know, and [they] cannot hear  [understandingly] what they speak." (Jeremiah 5:15) It would not have been until after the completion of this three-year educational program, "at the end of the days that the king had said to bring them in," (Daniel 1:18) that Daniel could likely serve in any useful capacity before the king, and even after which, a  reasonable amount of time would have to have passed before he came to be recognized as one of the "wise men" of Babylon eligible for death at the hand of Nebuchadnezzar. (Daniel 2:12, 13) Therefore, if Daniel 2:1 was in fact referring to Nebuchadnezzar's second regnal year, the testimony at Daniel 1:3-5, 18 could not be true.

However, at least one critic has asserted that Nebuchadnezzar's accession year must be added to the "second year" mentioned at Daniel 2:1 to compensate for the apparent discrepancy. However, there are at least two problems with this point of view.

According to cuneiform documentation, Nebuchadnezzar's accession year began in September, and therefore was only one half-year in duration, completing in the Babylonian month of Nisanu (or March/April of the following year on our calendar). Secondly, when Daniel says "in the second year of the kingship of Nebuchadnezzar" he is indicating that Nebuchadnezzar's second regnal year had not yet completed. Even when Nebuchadnezzar's accession year is included, the entire time period covered could amount to as little as a year-and-a-half. On the other hand, had the dream occurred at the end of his second year, which it does not state, this would still only amount to a maximum of two-and-a-half years, whereas Daniel chapter 1 specifically reports that Daniel and his companions were brought before the king after a period of three years had elapsed.

It is apparently because of this that some Hebrew scholars have suggested that the rendition of Daniel 2:1 should read "twelfth year" instead of "second year," as born out in the footnote on Daniel 2:1 in Biblia Hebraica, by Rudolf Kittel, ninth edition of 1954, and in the footnote in The Cross-Reference Bible, Variorum Edition, by Harold E. Monser, B.A., edition of 1910. (For further details, see pp. 172-3 of the Watchtower Society publication "Babylon the Great Has Fallen!" God's Kingdom Rules!)

In the final analysis, though, this "second year" most likely refers to the second year of Nebuchadnezzar following the destruction of Jerusalem, which would be the twentieth year of his reign over Babylon. Two years prior to this, the dethronement of Zedekiah took place, completely abolishing the Judean kingship with "no one sitting on the throne of David" (Jeremiah 36:30), until its prophesied restoration to occur at the end of the "appointed times of the nations." (Ezekiel 21:26-27; Luke 21:24) With the removal of Zedekiah's crown, the entire nation of Judah fell under direct servitude to the king of Babylon, no longer possessing its own king as intermediary, as had previously been the case with Judah's tributary submission to Babylon (and to other nations prior to this). From a Jewish point of view, this would in fact be the "second year of the kingship of Nebuchadnezzar"; Nebuchadnezzar had, in effect, become the king of the Jews. Furthermore, by overturning Jehovah's typical kingdom, he had also acquired sovereignty over all nations of the world. It is therefore not the least bit unusual that Daniel would choose to refer to his kingship in these terms.


Summary


It is not by mere chance or coincidence that the explanations offered by Jehovah's Witnesses work out. They are not the product of twisting scriptures, but rather, they result when one endeavors to harmonize all Scripture (2 Timothy 3:16), recognizing that every word, no matter how apparentlyinsignificant, comprises the unfailing Word of God.


Footnotes




1. "Year 7, month Kislimu: The king of Akkad moved his army into Hatti land, laid siege to the city of Judah (Ia-a-hu-du) and the king took the city on the second day of the month of Addaru. He appointed in it a (new) king of his liking, took heavy booty from it and brought it into Babylon."—Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament, J. M. Pritchard, p. 563-4. (back)

The Jesus Of History

Why the designer's Identity does not matter in the context of scientific inquiry.

In Refusing to Identify a “Designer,” ID Proponents Aren’t Being Coy
Walter Myers III

Alongside my work as a software architect in Redmond, WA, I have the privilege of serving on the faculty of Biola University, near Los Angeles. My focus there includes preparing students to rebut the falsehoods propagated by academia and the scientific community about the historical relationship between science and religion, to discuss the strengths and weaknesses of Darwinian evolution, and to defend the careful reasoning underlying a theistic worldview.

One of our yearly courses is an advanced seminar on intelligent design. Its purpose is to enable students to appraise the current debate between Darwinian evolution and ID.

We have lively discussions based on class texts, and invariably the nagging question comes up from several students every year: “Why don’t ID advocates quit being coy and just come out and say who they think the designer is? We already know most of them think it is the God of the Bible.” I never back down from this question, as it is wholly legitimate. However, as I explain in response, it does not fully factor in the actual project of intelligent design.

My reply starts by reviewing the notion of metaphysical naturalism (also called ontological naturalism, or philosophical naturalism). Metaphysical naturalism is the view that only physical laws and forces exist, and thus any discussion of supernatural concepts has no place in modern science. Generally, academia and the scientific community doggedly defend this view.

There is another philosophical view, methodological naturalism, that doesn’t specifically commit itself to proscribing supernatural explanations. Methodological naturalism asserts that in doing science, we take no particular attitude toward the supernatural. Rather, this approach is a method of doing science that only considers natural causes. Under methodological naturalism, it doesn’t matter whether a person has religious attitudes or not. Scientists, whether religious, agnostic, or atheist, can work together to solve scientific problems on a day-to-day basis, regardless of their personal views. While ID proponents would likely not be adherents of metaphysical naturalism, most have little argument with methodological naturalism.

Despite what ID advocates may personally conclude about who the designer is, they still work within the framework of methodological naturalism to explain scientific phenomena. They part ways with metaphysical naturalism on the latter’s insistence that the natural world can, all on its own, produce the full complexity and diversity that we see in the universe and in biological organisms.

ID readily concedes that physical laws and forces can, alone, produce natural phenomena including snowflakes, clouds, lightning, and whirlpools. But no evidence demonstrates that natural laws can produce even single-cell organisms, which require a high degree of specified information, let alone butterflies, hummingbirds, or human beings.

Metaphysical naturalists accuse ID of offering a “God of the gaps” argument, inserting “God” into the gaps of our knowledge, purely from ignorance. This criticism, however, is false. ID’s argument is hardly one from ignorance, but from the knowledge we have that things requiring high degrees of specified information can, as far as we practically know, only be produced by intelligent agents. Human experience, what we know of our own creative endeavors, itself demonstrates this.

Returning to the question my students often ask, if ID advocates believe there is a designer, why don’t they specify who the designer is, particularly since many, but not all, are theists themselves? The answer is because 1) ID proponents don’t arrogantly purport to have exhaustive knowledge of who the designer might be, and admit that their particular notion of the designer may be wrong. 2) Harkening back to our discussion about methodological naturalism, ID seeks an approach where scientists and philosophers, regardless of personal views, may pursue the truth wherever the evidence leads. Finally, 3) ID fully allows those who wish to sincerely join the debate to argue for other mechanisms.

In not specifying a designer, ID leaves science open to pursue plausible explanations of biological complexity without getting tangled up in extraneous theological or philosophical discussions. The everyday practice of the current scientific establishment already curtails and constrains what science is able to discover. ID resists this trend, and instead seeks to democratize scientific investigation.


We invite a maximum diversity of researchers to join the hunt for the truth. Discussions of who or what the designer might be would only work against that.