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Wednesday 14 July 2021

The Watchtower society's commentary on Cyrus the great.

 Cyʹrus).

The founder of the Persian Empire and the conqueror of Babylon; called “Cyrus the Great,” thereby distinguishing him from Cyrus I, his grandfather.

Following his conquest of the Babylonian Empire, Cyrus is represented in the cuneiform document known as the Cyrus Cylinder as saying: “I am Cyrus, king of the world, great king, legitimate king, king of Babylon, king of Sumer and Akkad, king of the four rims (of the earth), son of Cambyses (Ka-am-bu-zi-ia), great king, king of Anshan, grandson of Cyrus [I], . . . descendant of Teispes . . . of a family (which) always (exercised) kingship.” (Ancient Near Eastern Texts, edited by J. Pritchard, 1974, p. 316) Cyrus is thus shown to be of the royal line of the kings of Anshan, a city and district of rather uncertain location, but now generally thought to have been in the E of Elam. This line of kings is called the Achaemenian line after Achaemenes the father of Teispes.

The early history of Cyrus II is somewhat obscure, depending largely upon rather fanciful accounts by Herodotus (Greek historian of the fifth century B.C.E.) and Xenophon (another Greek writer of about a half century later). However, both present Cyrus as the son of the Persian ruler Cambyses by his wife Mandane, the daughter of Astyages, king of the Medes. (Herodotus, I, 107, 108; Xenophon’s Cyropaedia, I, ii, 1) This blood relationship of Cyrus with the Medes is denied by Ctesias, another Greek historian of the same period, who claims instead that Cyrus became Astyages’ son-in-law by marrying his daughter Amytis.

Cyrus succeeded his father Cambyses I to the throne of Anshan, which was then under the suzerainty of the Median king Astyages. Diodorus (first century B.C.E.) places the start of Cyrus’ reign in the first year of the 55th Olympiad, or 560/559 B.C.E. Herodotus relates that Cyrus revolted against the Median rulership and, because of the defection of Astyages’ troops, was able to gain an easy victory and capture the capital of the Medes, Ecbatana. According to the Nabonidus Chronicle, King Ishtumegu (Astyages) “called up his troops and marched against Cyrus, king of Anshan, in order to me[et him in battle]. The army of Ishtumegu revolted against him and in fetters they de[livered him] to Cyrus.” (Ancient Near Eastern Texts, p. 305) Cyrus was able to gain the loyalty of the Medes, and thus Medes and Persians thereafter fought unitedly under his leadership. In the following years Cyrus moved to establish his control over the western sector of the Median Empire, advancing all the way to the eastern border of the Lydian Empire at the Halys River in Asia Minor.

Next, Cyrus defeated wealthy King Croesus of Lydia and captured Sardis. He then subdued the Ionian cities and placed all Asia Minor within the realm of the Persian Empire. Thus, in a matter of a few years, Cyrus had become the major rival of Babylon and its king, Nabonidus.

Conquest of Babylon. Cyrus now girded for a confrontation with mighty Babylon, and from this point forward, in particular, he figured in the fulfillment of Bible prophecy. In Isaiah’s inspired restoration prophecy concerning Jerusalem and its temple, this Persian ruler had been named as the one appointed by Jehovah God to effect the overthrow of Babylon and the release of the Jews who would be exiled there. (Isa 44:26–45:7) Although this prophecy had been recorded well over one and a half centuries before Cyrus’ rise to power and though the desolation of Judah evidently took place before Cyrus was even born, still Jehovah declared that Cyrus would act as His “shepherd” on behalf of the Jewish people. (Isa 44:28; compare Ro 4:17.) By virtue of this advance appointment, Cyrus was called Jehovah’s “anointed one” (a form of the Hebrew ma·shiʹach, messiah, and the Greek khri·stosʹ, christ). (Isa 45:1) God’s ‘calling him by his name’ (Isa 45:4) at that early date does not imply that He gave Cyrus his name at birth, but means that Jehovah foreknew that such a man by that name would arise and that Jehovah’s call to him would be, not anonymous, but direct, specific, by name.

Thus, unknown to King Cyrus, who was likely a pagan devotee of Zoroastrianism, Jehovah God had been figuratively ‘taking Cyrus’ right hand’ to lead or strengthen him, girding him and preparing and smoothing the way for his accomplishing the divine purpose: the conquest of Babylon. (Isa 45:1, 2, 5) As the One “telling from the beginning the finale, and from long ago the things that have not been done,” Almighty God had shaped the circumstances in human affairs for fully carrying out his counsel. He had called Cyrus “from the sunrising,” from Persia (to the E of Babylon), where Cyrus’ favorite capital of Pasargadae was built, and Cyrus was to be like “a bird of prey” in swiftly pouncing upon Babylon. (Isa 46:10, 11) It is of note that, according to The Encyclopædia Britannica (1910, Vol. X, p. 454), “the Persians bore an eagle fixed to the end of a lance, and the sun, as their divinity, was also represented upon their standards, which . . . were guarded with the greatest jealousy by the bravest men of the army.”

How did Cyrus divert the water of the Euphrates?

The Bible prophecies relating to Cyrus’ conquest of Babylon foretold that its rivers would be dried up and its gates left unshut, that there would be a sudden invasion of the city and a lack of resistance on the part of Babylon’s soldiers. (Isa 44:27; 45:1, 2; Jer 50:35-38; 51:30-32) Herodotus describes a deep, wide moat encompassing Babylon, relating that numerous bronze (or copper) gates provided entrance through the interior walls along the Euphrates River, which bisected the city. Laying siege to the city, according to Herodotus (I, 191, 192), Cyrus went “drawing off the river by a canal into the lake [the artificial lake said to have been made earlier by Queen Nitocris], which was till now a marsh, he made the stream to sink till its former channel could be forded. When this happened, the Persians who were posted with this intent made their way into Babylon by the channel of the Euphrates, which had now sunk about to the height of the middle of a man’s thigh. Now if the Babylonians had known beforehand or learnt what Cyrus was planning, they would have suffered the Persians to enter the city and brought them to a miserable end; for then they would have shut all the gates that opened on the river and themselves mounted up on to the walls that ran along the river banks, and so caught their enemies as in a trap. But as it was, the Persians were upon them unawares, and by reason of the great size of the city​—so say those who dwell there—​those in the outer parts of it were overcome, yet the dwellers in the middle part knew nothing of it; all this time they were dancing and making merry at a festival . . . till they learnt the truth but too well. [Compare Da 5:1-4, 30; Jer 50:24; 51:31, 32.] Thus was Babylon then for the first time taken.”

Xenophon’s account differs somewhat as to details but contains the same basic elements as that of Herodotus. Xenophon describes Cyrus as deeming it nearly impossible to storm Babylon’s mighty walls and then goes on to relate his laying siege to the city, diverting the waters of the Euphrates into trenches and, while the city was in festival celebration, sending his forces up the riverbed past the city walls. The troops under the command of Gobryas and Gadatas caught the guards unawares and gained entrance through the very gates of the palace. In one night “the city was taken and the king slain,” and the Babylonian soldiers occupying the various citadels surrendered the following morning.​—Cyropaedia, VII, v, 33; compare Jer 51:30.

Jewish historian Josephus records an account of Cyrus’ conquest written by the Babylonian priest Berossus (of the third century B.C.E.) as follows: “In the seventeenth year of his [Nabonidus’] reign Cyrus advanced from Persia with a large army, and, after subjugating the rest of the kingdom, marched upon Babylonia. Apprised of his coming, Nabonnedus [Nabonidus] led his army to meet him, fought and was defeated, whereupon he fled with a few followers and shut himself up in the town of Borsippa [the twin city of Babylon]. Cyrus took Babylon, and after giving orders to raze the outer walls of the city, because it presented a very redoubtable and formidable appearance, proceeded to Borsippa to besiege Nabonnedus. The latter surrendering, without waiting for investment, was humanely treated by Cyrus, who dismissed him from Babylonia, but gave him Carmania for his residence. There Nabonnedus spent the remainder of his life, and there he died.” (Against Apion, I, 150-153 [20]) This account is distinct from the others primarily because of the statements made concerning Nabonidus’ actions and Cyrus’ dealings with him. However, it harmonizes with the Biblical account that Belshazzar, rather than Nabonidus, was the king who was slain on the night of Babylon’s fall.​—See BELSHAZZAR.

The cuneiform tablets found by archaeologists, though not giving details concerning the exact manner of the conquest, do confirm the sudden fall of Babylon to Cyrus. According to the Nabonidus Chronicle, in what proved to be the final year of Nabonidus’ reign (539 B.C.E.) in the month of Tishri (September-October), Cyrus attacked the Babylonian forces at Opis and defeated them. The inscription continues: “The 14th day, Sippar was seized without battle. Nabonidus fled. The 16th day, Gobryas (Ugbaru), the governor of Gutium and the army of Cyrus entered Babylon without battle. Afterwards Nabonidus was arrested in Babylon when he returned . . . In the month of Arahshamnu [Marchesvan (October-November)], the 3rd day, Cyrus entered Babylon.” (Ancient Near Eastern Texts, p. 306) By means of this inscription, the date of Babylon’s fall can be fixed as Tishri 16, 539 B.C.E., with Cyrus’ entry 17 days later, occurring on Marchesvan 3.

Aryan world domination begins. By this victory Cyrus brought to an end the domination of Mesopotamia and the Middle East by Semitic rulers and produced the first dominant world power of Aryan origin. The Cyrus Cylinder, a cuneiform document historians consider to have been written for publication in Babylon, is strongly religious, and in it Cyrus is represented as ascribing the credit for his victory to Marduk, the chief god of Babylon, saying: “He [Marduk] scanned and looked (through) all the countries, searching for a righteous ruler willing to lead him . . . (in the annual procession). (Then) he pronounced the name of Cyrus (Ku-ra-as), king of Anshan, declared him (lit.: pronounced [his] name) to be(come) the ruler of all the world. . . . Marduk, the great lord, a protector of his people/​worshipers, beheld with pleasure his (i.e. Cyrus’) good deeds and his upright mind (lit.: heart) (and therefore) ordered him to march against his city Babylon (Ká.dingir.ra). He made him set out on the road to Babylon (DIN.TIRki) going at his side like a real friend. His widespread troops​—their number, like that of the water of a river, could not be established—​strolled along, their weapons packed away. Without any battle, he made him enter his town Babylon (Su.an.na), sparing Babylon (Kádingir.raki) any calamity.”​—Ancient Near Eastern Texts, p. 315.

Why does the Cyrus Cylinder explain Babylon’s fall in a manner different from the Bible?

Despite this pagan interpretation of events, the Bible shows that, on making his proclamation authorizing the exiled Jews to return to Jerusalem and rebuild the temple there, Cyrus acknowledged: “All the kingdoms of the earth Jehovah the God of the heavens has given me, and he himself has commissioned me to build him a house in Jerusalem, which is in Judah.” (Ezr 1:1, 2) This, of course, does not mean that Cyrus became a Jewish convert but simply that he knew the Biblical facts regarding his victory. In view of the high administrative position in which Daniel was placed, both before and after the fall of Babylon (Da 5:29; 6:1-3, 28), it would be most unusual if Cyrus were not informed of the prophecies that Jehovah’s prophets had recorded and spoken, including Isaiah’s prophecy containing Cyrus’ very name. As regards the Cyrus Cylinder, already quoted, it is acknowledged that others aside from the king may have had a hand in the preparation of this cuneiform document. The book Biblical Archaeology by G. Ernest Wright (1962, p. 203) speaks of “the king, or the bureau which framed the document” (compare the similar case with Darius at Da 6:6-9), while Dr. Emil G. Kraeling (Rand McNally Bible Atlas, 1966, p. 328) calls the Cyrus Cylinder “a propaganda document composed by the Babylonian priests.” It may, indeed, have been drawn up under the influence of the Babylonian clergy (Ancient Near Eastern Texts, p. 315, ftn. 1), thereby serving their purpose of explaining away the utter failure of Marduk (also known as Bel) and the other Babylonian gods to save the city, going even to the extent of attributing to Marduk the very things that Jehovah had done.​—Compare Isa 46:1, 2; 47:11-15.

Cyrus’ Decree for the Return of the Exiles. By his decreeing the end of the Jewish exile, Cyrus fulfilled his commission as Jehovah’s ‘anointed shepherd’ for Israel. (2Ch 36:22, 23; Ezr 1:1-4) The proclamation was made “in the first year of Cyrus the king of Persia,” meaning his first year as ruler toward conquered Babylon. The Bible record at Daniel 9:1 refers to “the first year of Darius,” and this may have intervened between the fall of Babylon and “the first year of Cyrus” over Babylon. If it did, this would mean that the writer was perhaps viewing Cyrus’ first year as having begun late in the year 538 B.C.E. However, if Darius’ rule over Babylon were to be viewed as that of a viceroy, so that his reign ran concurrent with that of Cyrus, Babylonian custom would place Cyrus’ first regnal year as running from Nisan of 538 to Nisan of 537 B.C.E.

In view of the Bible record, Cyrus’ decree freeing the Jews to return to Jerusalem likely was made late in the year 538 or early in 537 B.C.E. This would allow time for the Jewish exiles to prepare to move out of Babylon and make the long trek to Judah and Jerusalem (a trip that could take about four months according to Ezr 7:9) and yet be settled “in their cities” in Judah by “the seventh month” (Tishri) of the year 537 B.C.E. (Ezr 3:1, 6) This marked the end of the prophesied 70 years of Judah’s desolation that began in the same month, Tishri, of 607 B.C.E.​—2Ki 25:22-26; 2Ch 36:20, 21.

Cyrus’ cooperation with the Jews was in notable contrast with their treatment by earlier pagan rulers. He restored the precious temple utensils that Nebuchadnezzar II had carried off to Babylon, gave royal permission for them to import cedar timbers from Lebanon, and authorized the outlay of funds from the king’s house to cover construction expenses. (Ezr 1:7-11; 3:7; 6:3-5) According to the Cyrus Cylinder (PICTURE, Vol. 2, p. 332), the Persian ruler followed a generally humane and tolerant policy toward the conquered peoples of his domain. The inscription quotes him as saying: “I returned to [certain previously named] sacred cities on the other side of the Tigris, the sanctuaries of which have been ruins for a long time, the images which (used) to live therein and established for them permanent sanctuaries. I (also) gathered all their (former) inhabitants and returned (to them) their habitations.”​—Ancient Near Eastern Texts, p. 316.

Aside from the royal proclamation quoted in Ezra 1:1-4, the Biblical record speaks of another document by Cyrus, a “memorandum,” which was filed away in the house of the records at Ecbatana in Media and was discovered there during the reign of Darius the Persian. (Ezr 5:13-17; 6:1-5) Concerning this second document, Professor G. Ernest Wright says, “[it] is explicitly entitled a dikrona, an official Aramaic term for a memorandum which recorded an oral decision of the king or other official and which initiated administrative action. It was never intended for publication but solely for the eye of the proper official, following which it was filed away in government archives.”​—Biblical Archaeology, p. 203.

Death and Prophetic Significance. Cyrus is believed to have fallen in battle in 530 B.C.E., though the details are somewhat obscure. Prior to his death, his son Cambyses II evidently became coregent with him, succeeding to the Persian throne as sole ruler when his father died.

The prophecies concerning the sudden fall of symbolic Babylon the Great as set forth in the book of Revelation parallel in major respects the description of Cyrus’ conquest of the literal city of Babylon. (Compare Re 16:12; 18:7, 8 with Isa 44:27, 28; 47:8, 9.) The king at the head of the mighty military forces described immediately after the account of symbolic Babylon’s fall, however, is no earthly king but the heavenly “Word of God,” Jehovah’s true anointed Shepherd, Christ Jesus.​—Re 19:1-3, 11-16.

Early coptic translation and John1:1

 

Wednesday, January 28, 2009

Coptic John 1:1c: What Conclusions Can Be Drawn?

Relative to Coptic John 1:1c, what conclusions can be drawn from a multi-year study of the Sahidic Coptic language, including a detailed study of the entire Sahidic Coptic New Testament?

1- That the translation of Coptic neunoute pe pSaje into standard English as "the Word was a god" is literal, accurate, and unassailable. It is simple, but not simplistic. It is what the Coptic text actually says and literally conveys. Any other translation of it amounts to interpretation or paraphrase.

2- That rendering a Sahidic Coptic common ("count") noun, like noute, god, when bound to the Coptic indefinite article, ou, into English as "a" + noun is so prevalent, as for example in Coptic scholar George Horner's 1911 English translation of the Sahidic Coptic New Testament, that this is beyond dispute.

As just the nearest example of this, after John 1:1c itself, is John 1:6. Here we have the Coptic indefinite article, ou, bound to the Coptic common noun rwme, man: aFSwpe nCi ourwme eautnnoouF ebol Hitm pnoute . In Horner's English translation we read: "There was a man having been sent from God." That is the simple, literal, and accurate translation. Likewise, "a god" is the simple, literal, and accurate translation of ou.noute at John 1:1c, the same Coptic indefinite article + common noun construction as found in John 1:6 and elsewhere. Only with respect to Coptic "mass" or abstract nouns is there no need to translate the indefinite article into English, but this is not the situation at Coptic John 1:1c, because noute, god, is a Coptic common or "count" noun.

3 - That, whereas some Coptic grammarians hold that ou.noute may also be translated into English adjectivally as "divine," they give no examples favoring this usage in the Sahidic Coptic New Testament itself. Coptic ou.noute is not used adjectivally or "qualitatively" in the Sahidic Coptic New Testament. The published works of these scholars have been heavily invested in the Nag Hammadi Gnostic Coptic "gospels" like Thomas, Philip, and Judas. Perhaps translating ou.noute as "divine" fits the esoteric or philosophical context of the Gnostic "gospels." But there are no examples in the canonical Coptic New Testament that justify an adjectival translation of ou.noute as "divine," whereas a literal translation of ou.noute as "a god" works just fine. Although "divine" is not altogether objectionable, since a god is divine by definition, a paraphrase is unnecessary when an adequate, understandable literal translation is available.

4- That all the primarily Trinitarian-based objections to translating ou.noute as "a god" at Coptic John 1:1c amount to little more than presupposition or special pleading. Though such faulty, superficial objections have been cut and pasted frequently on the Internet, they are poorly researched and often misleading.

In one such apologetic, promising full disclosure of what some Coptic scholars "really said," the conclusion about ou.noute at John 1:1 remains the same, i.e., "it might mean was a god, was divine, was an instance of 'god', was one god (not two, three, etc.)"; "In Coptic, "ounoute" can mean "a god" or "one with divine nature"; "So literally, the Sahidic and Bohairic texts say "a god" in the extant mss. ... A rather clumsy reading might be: The Logos was in the beginning. The Logos was with God. The Logos was like God (or godlike, or divine) with the emphasis on his nature; not his person."

Not ONE of the scholars appealed to by Trinitarian apologists said that Coptic John 1:1 should be translated to say "The Word was God." Not one. Not one said that "a god" was incorrect. In fact, the interlinear reading for Sahidic Coptic John 1:1c in scholar Bentley Layton's Coptic in 20 Lessons specifically reads "a-god is the-Word."

The Coptic text of John 1:1c was made prior to the adoption of the Trinity doctrine by Egyptian and other churches, and it is poor scholarship to attempt to "read back" a translation such as "the Word was God" into any exegesis of the Coptic text. Such a rendering is foreign to Coptic John 1:1c, which clearly and literally says, "the Word was a god."

5- That, stated succinctly, translating Sahidic Coptic's neunoute pe pSaje literally into standard English as "the Word was a god" stands on solid grammatical and contextual ground.

Can we talk about this?

 In the Controversy over Intelligent Design, Seeking Genuine Dialogue

John G. West

Imagine you know someone who tells your friends you are his “hero.” In fact, this person lavishes praise on you for bravery and sincerity. He emphasizes how much he admires you. He stresses that you and he share many of the same beliefs, even though you differ on some things.

A couple of days later, you discover that this same person has sent your co-workers an article he has co-authored denouncing you. His article claims you “ignore evidence,” “misrepresent” the state of your field, and are even engaged in a “quixotic” quest. Reading through the article, you learn that it actually misstates your position, makes misleading claims, and ignores your responses. Still later, this same person tells others that he had an obligation to critique you because your views are tantamount to believing that “1+1=3.”

The same person starts issuing public challenges to you to engage in “dialogue,” pledging that he wants you “to get a fair hearing” — all the while insisting to others that you don’t respond to your critics (even though you have done so extensively).


Is this person’s approach likely to produce genuine dialogue? If not, what might be a more constructive way forward?

“A Fair Hearing”

I’ve been pondering those questions since reading the recent post “I Agree with Behe” by biologist Joshua Swamidass. An evangelical Christian, Swamidass is a sharp critic of intelligent design and a defender of evolution — not that those two concepts need to be mutually exclusive (see Jay Richards’s introduction to God and Evolution). In his post, Swamidass talks about how much he admires biochemist Michael Behe for his bravery and for helping him eventually embrace Darwin’s idea of common ancestry. He calls Behe his “hero” (or did: he has now cut that sentence). Swamidass acknowledges disagreements with Behe, but stresses how much they agree. 

Swamidass ends his article with a plea for Behe to engage him on his online discussion site. He says: “I want him to get a fair hearing.” What could be more reasonable than that? 

And yet… just a few days earlier, to a different audience — this time Michael Behe’s scientific peers — Swamidass co-authored another article. That article bore the blistering headline: “A biochemist’s crusade to overturn evolution misrepresents theory and ignores evidence.” I agree with Swamidass that you can admire someone and still disagree with him. But typically if you admire someone, you strive to treat that person with respect, accurately describe his position, make sure any critiques are fair and accurate, and avoid cheap shots. Is this how Swamidass and his co-authors critiqued Behe in Science? 

The review in Science claims that Behe “misrepresents theory and avoids evidence.” It calls his effort to critique Darwinian evolution “quixotic.” Indeed, there is little in the review to suggest that any of its co-authors admire Behe or share common ground with him at all. Instead, they warn readers (cue the scary music) that Behe’s work has “excited creationists,” and tell them that Behe’s ideas were refuted by a world-renowned scientific authority — a federal judge in Harrisburg, PA! (The judge, by the way, cut and pasted his critique of intelligent design virtually verbatim from lawyers working with the ACLU — and ended up misquoting and misrepresenting Behe as a result.)

Misrepresenting Michael Behe

The Science review misrepresents Behe right from the start: “In 1996, biochemist Michael Behe introduced the notion of ‘irreducible complexity,’ arguing that some biomolecular structures could not have evolved because their functionality requires interacting parts, the removal of any one of which renders the entire apparatus defective.” (emphasis added)

Well, no. Behe doesn’t claim that irreducibly complex systems can’t evolve. He claims they are extremely unlikely to evolve by unguided natural selection and random mutations. There is a difference. A more accurate statement would be: “Although Behe accepts much of modern evolutionary theory (such as common descent), he thinks it highly improbable that irreducibly complex systems can be produced by an unguided Darwinian process of natural selection acting on random mutations.” Stated that way, Behe’s position might appear reasonable even to some readers of Science. And if your goal is to give Behe “a fair hearing,” surely you would want to state his position as accurately as possible, right?


The Science review also repeatedly charges Behe with not responding to his critics. As I have already described elsewhere, Behe has responded to most of the critics cited in Science. When confronted with this fact, Swamidass has stressed that they were reviewing Behe’s new book, Darwin Devolves, not what he said elsewhere. But as I pointed out earlier:
    [T]he tenor of Swamidass and company’s claim is that Behe doesn’t respond to contrary evidence. They don’t say, “Behe has responded to this evidence, but we fault him because he didn’t reprint his responses yet again in this new book” — likely because they know that such an admission would make their overall claim look silly.
     There’s more. The review in Science claims: “Missing from Behe’s discussion is any mention of exaptation, the process by which nature retools structures for new function and possibly the most common mechanism that leads to the false impression of irreducible complexity.” Well, technically true. The exact word “exaptation” doesn’t appear in Behe’s book. But as Behe points out, the argument represented by the term does. Swamidass et al. ignore what Behe said in the book on the topic — all the while criticizing Behe for not responding to his critics.

What Real Dialogue Means

Does this kind of review demonstrate a commitment to give Behe “a fair hearing”? You can decide for yourself.


For me, real dialogue isn’t achieved by saying you admire someone, but by responding seriously and fairly to his arguments. After the Science review appeared, Behe and others began to respond in detail to the various criticisms that had been leveled in the review. Like the Science review itself (which, remember, charged that Behe was on a “crusade” that “misrepresents theory and ignores evidence”), some of these responses were pointed. But they also were substantive, highlighting Behe’s extensive previous replies on many of the issues raised in the review.Now that Swamidass knows Behe has responded previously to most of the very points raised in Science, has Swamidass taken the time to go through Behe’s extensive responses and lay out why he thinks Behe’s responses are unpersuasive?

“A Great Honor”

Alas, for the most part, no. Instead, Swamidass has defended his Science review by suggesting that Behe’s errors are so illogical that they are on the same level as someone who can’t do the simplest form of math: “I just don’t think that 1+1=3, and I think I have a right and obligation to say this.” He has claimed that his Science review is like “kryptonite” to Discovery Institute, and “we are watching them melt before our eyes.” (Does this mean that Swamidass views himself as Lex Luthor?) At the same time, Swamidass seems to suggest that Behe should be grateful to him for his blistering review: “[I]t is a great honor to be reviewed in the prestigious journal Science. I’m humbled to bestow this honor on Behe….” 
Swamidass even faults Behe and others for not consulting him and his co-authors before responding to their critical review: “We offered to clarify any questions they had about the review. They… declined, and instead fired the PR machine up.”
The odd thing about these responses is that they themselves seem to represent PR: Rather than actually respond to someone’s critique, you dismiss it without dealing with it.
When pressed to respond to the fact that Behe has responded to many, many scientific critics over the years, Swamidass finally concedes that Behe “has responded to many other refutations.” But this “does NOT mean,” says Swamidass, that:
   1,He has responded effectively.
2,He has responded to the strongest refutations.
3,He has responded to all legitimate refutations.

This is progress — an explicit acknowledgment that Behe has in fact engaged with his scientific critics “many” times. Swamidass’s first two points raise legitimate questions for discussion, although they require more than mere assertions to establish. His third point is potentially so broad as to be unserious. In principle, of course, you should respond to “all legitimate refutations.” In reality, it depends on what one classifies as “legitimate.” There are not enough hours in the day to respond to every troll or every rehashed argument — or to reviewers who studiously ignore your previous responses. 
The Case of Chloroquine Resistance
Let’s apply Swamidass’s first two concerns to a specific case he himself has raised: chloroquine resistance. Behe’s new book briefly mentions this topic from his previous book The Edge of Evolution. The review in Science, however, treats chloroquine resistance as major topic of Behe’s new book (it isn’t) and faults Behe for not responding in his new book to a 2008 journal article by Durrett and Schmidt and a 2014 journal article by Summers. Presumably Swamidass thought these articles were the “strongest refutations” of Behe’s position on the subject, since they were the ones Swamidass and his co-authors cited in their Science review. 

So did Behe fail to respond to these two articles? 

Not at all. In fact, Behe not only responded, he wrote extensive responses. Of course, this fact was left unmentioned in the Science review. No matter. After the review came out and Behe’s previous responses were pointed out, did Swamidass seriously engage them? As near as I can tell, no. Swamidass’s treatment of the 2014 Summers paper is instructive. Instead of responding to what Behe has written about that paper, Swamidass first points people to a blog post by biologist Larry Moran — known for regularly berating intelligent design proponents as “IDiots” (including in the very post Swamidass recommends!).
But did Behe ignore Moran’s article? Nope. Indeed, Behe engaged in an extensive online debate with Moran. So does Swamidass explain why he thinks Moran is right and Behe is wrong? Nope again. He simply states: “Yes, I know that Behe responded (unconvincingly) to Moran.” 
An Assertion Isn’t a Demonstration
In other words, Swamidass simply asserts that Behe’s responses to Moran weren’t convincing. But an assertion isn’t a demonstration, and it certainly isn’t a constructive example of dialogue. 

Perhaps recognizing that this kind of non-engagement isn’t sufficient, Swamidass reaches back to a 2009 blog post by Arthur Hunt and cites it as another refutation of Behe. Here he actually quotes from Hunt’s post and tries to offer an actual criticism, even glancingly mentioning one of our responses to him. Now I don’t know if Behe ever responded to this particular blog post by Hunt — or if he even needs to. Given that Behe has written lots of responses on the topic (responses to which Swamidass has not replied), perhaps there is nothing new to say or perhaps his other responses were sufficient. Regardless, I don’t think citing yet another article removes the responsibility of engaging with Behe’s many prior responses. It certainly doesn’t establish that Behe hasn’t responded to the “strongest refutations” against him on this topic. 

Recall that in Science, Behe was originally faulted for not responding to two specific articles about chloroquine resistance — but then it turned out, he did respond to them. Next Swamidass pointed to a blog post by Larry Moran. For myself, I’m not convinced Moran is a great example of someone Behe needed to respond to (perhaps I’m just put off by Moran’s habit of calling people “IDiots”). Regardless, Behe responded to Moran as well. Swamidass apparently doesn’t think Behe’s responses to all these people are convincing — but he doesn’t explain why. Finally, Swamidass finds another blog post from a decade ago and faults Behe for not responding to THAT. I have to admit I’m not especially impressed by this mode of interaction.

If dialogue simply means raising as many new objections against someone as you can, but never having to respond to their previous replies, then that doesn’t seem very constructive.
An Invitation with a Barb
However, if dialogue means a genuine exchange of ideas, where each party responds seriously to the other’s best arguments — then that is definitely worth pursuing. That’s why ID proponents have engaged extensively with their scientific critics over the years. This has already been established with regard to Behe. But it’s true of others as well. For example, Discovery Institute published two entire books devoted to engaging scientific critics of the ideas raised by Stephen Meyer: Signature of Controversy and Debating Darwin’s Doubt. 
  Swamidass would like Behe to come to his online discussion site to debate his book with commenters on the site. That’s admirable, but I’m concerned that his invite seems to come attached with a barb: The intimation that if Behe (or others) choose not to participate in Swamidass’s comment board, then they are not really engaging with their critics or the scientific community. That is of course false. Comment boards are one way to engage your critics, and Behe can certainly decide for himself whether he wants to participate in them. But given that there is often more heat than light in online forums, he may well decide that it isn’t the most productive way to have a serious exchange of ideas about his book. If Behe decides to respond to critics in other ways, I hope Swamidass will respect that decision without trying to weaponize it (i.e., falsely claim that Behe doesn’t engage with critics just because he doesn’t participate in Swamidass’s discussion board). 

Behe has written a book, now others are critiquing it (even before it is out!), and Behe and others are responding to the critiques. Regardless of whatever else Behe chooses to do, he is definitely engaging his critics and will continue to do so. To me, this kind of back and forth is more amenable to serious discussion and reflection than quick volleys on a discussion board.
The way to extend this kind of dialogue is to enter into it by writing a thoughtful article. To his credit, noted biologist Richard Lenski has begun to engage Behe’s arguments in Darwin Devolves. Good for him! I’d encourage Swamidass to do the same. If serious points are raised, I’m sure that Behe — and others — will respond in coming months, just as they have already done with regard to the Sciencereview. 
Assuming that Behe’s critics don’t ignore these responses (or dismiss them as part of Behe’s “PR machine”), this will result in a genuine — and stimulating — exchange of ideas. 
If you want to enter into the larger discussion and see what all the fuss is about, I’d encourage you to pre-order Behe’s book, which is finally out next week.

Historians on Jehovah's Witnesses in Nazi Germany.

 What Historians Say About the Stand of Jehovah's Witnesses during the Nazi Period (1933 - 1945)


Professor Dr. Wolfgang Benz, Research Center for Antisemitism, Technical University Berlin:
"Jehovah's Witnesses. The religious community numbering 25,000 souls in Germany was banned in 1933. About half of them continued their 'preaching work' underground. Jehovah's Witnesses refused to give the Hitler salute and especially refused military service. They were persecuted mercilessly. About 10,000 were arrested. The resistance of this group, which also tried to inform the population about the criminal character of the Nazi state by distributing leaflets in the years 1936/37 and thus acted against the regime of injustice beyond their own interests, cost them about 1,200 lives." - Informationen zur politischen Bildung, no. 243, (1994): Deutscher Widerstand 1933-1945, page 21. Published by the Center for Political Education of the Federal Government of Germany.

Dr. Gabriele Yonan, Religious Scientist, Free University, Berlin:
"When the entire text of the June 25, 1933 'Declaration of Facts,' along with the letter to Hitler is, in retrospect, put into the context of the history of Jehovah's Witnesses during the Nazi regime, their resistance, and the Holocaust, it consequently has nothing to do with 'antisemitic statements and currying favor with Hitler.' These accusations made by today's church circles are deliberate manipulations and historical misrepresentations, and their obvious motivation is the discomfort of a moral inferiority. At the time of the convention [of Jehovah's Witnesses in Berlin, on June 25, 1933], as well as later, governments, statesmen, and diplomats from all countries negotiated with Hitler and demonstrated their respect and reverence for him. In 1936, even when thousands had already been imprisoned in concentration camps-among the first of whom were Jehovah's Witnesses-the international Olympic Games took place in Berlin under the swastika." - "Am mutigsten waren immer wieder die Zeugen Jehovas." Verfolgung und Widerstand der Zeugen Jehovas im Nationalsozialismus, published by historian Hans Hesse, Bremen, 1998, page 395.

Hans Hesse, historian:
"The first thing we can learn from the attitude of Jehovah's Witnesses under the 'Third Reich' is that a small group of people in Germany, relying on their faith and the solid unity among them succeeded in drawing away from the Nazi regime's totalitarian reach, even if at a heavy price . . . Second, it should be an obligation for us, the [later] generations ... to ensure that people will never again have to die in order to remain true to their conscience." - Historian Dr. Hubert Roser, Karlsruhe University. In: "Am mutigsten waren immer wieder die Zeugen Jehovas." Verfolgung und Widerstand der Zeugen Jehovas im Nationalsozialismus, published by historian Hans Hesse, Bremen, 1998, page 253.

Historian Hartmut Mehringer:
"As early as in the Weimar Republic, Jehovah's Witnesses were exposed to the hostilities of racial-nationalistic forces, of the church, and to the first legal measures from the state. ... Although in 1933 the IBV [International Bible Students Association] tried to adapt to the new situation and declared their strictly nonpolitical and anti-communist nature, harsh conflicts with the government agencies soon followed. Already the spring 1933 saw heavy persecution, confiscations, and bans of publishing, preaching, and organizing." - Widerstand und Emigration. Das NS-Regime und seine Gegner, by Historian Hartmut Mehringer, Munich, 1997, paperback edition, 1998, page 103.

Detlef Garbe:
"Being a 'total state' claiming the entire person, taking God's place, and demanding the whole 'Volkskorper' [entire population] to be concordant with their 'Fuehrer,' the Nazi regime left no room at all for people who lived according to the commandments of the Bible Students' doctrine. Thus, 'resisting' had to become a requirement for keeping the self-esteem and identity of the religious community." - Zwischen Widerstand und Martyrium. Die Zeugen Jehovas im "Dritten Reich," by Detlef Garbe, Munich, 1993, page 529. (The 4th edition was published in 1999.)

Dr. Elke Imberger, State Archivist:
"The distribution of the 'Resolution' [on December 12, 1936] and of the 'Open Letter' [on June 20, 1937] were not only a very spectacular, but also were a new way of public preaching ...[These were] campaigns throughout the 'Reich' which were so well coordinated that they could take place all over Germany on the same day and at the same time.... Throughout the whole Nazi era in Germany, there was no other resistance organization that took comparable initiatives." - Widerstand "von unten." Widerstand und Dissens aus den Reihen der Arbeiterbewegung und der Zeugen Jehovas in Lubeck und Schleswig-Holstein 1933-1945, by State Archivist Dr. Elke Imberger, Neumunster, 1991, page 345.

Michael H. Kater, Historian:
"It is striking that no other religious sect suffered as much under National Socialism as did the Earnest Bible Students [Jehovah's Witnesses]." - "Die Ernsten Bibelforscher im Dritten Reich," by Historian Michael H. Kater, published in Vierteljahrshefte fur Zeitgeschichte, April 1969, Stuttgart, 1969, page 183.

Dr. Friedrich Zipfel, Historian:


"The extent of loyalty towards the state was the criterion for initiating persecution. ... The 'International Association of Earnest Bible Students,' the 'Watchtower Bible and Tract Society,' were the first religious association to be hit by the Nazis, and they were hit the hardest. Hardly an analysis has been made, or any memoirs written about the concentration camps, which do not include a description of the strong faith, the diligence, the helpfulness, and the fanatical martyrdom of the Earnest Bible Students." - Kirchenkampf in Deutschland 1933-1945, by Historian Dr. Friedrich Zipfel, Berlin, 1965, page 175.