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Tuesday, 8 July 2014

Married to the mob?II

On the frontline in Syria: the Danish gangster who turned jihadi

Director trails Big A, leader of one of Copenhagen's most notorious gangs, as he joins rebels fighting the Assad regime
 
 
Two Danes lie in the back of a pickup truck on the Turkish-Syrian border waiting for a call. They're with a young British jihadi and a group of ultra-conservative Syrian Salafi Islamists. Soon they'll be smuggled into Syria to join the fight against the Assad regime.
One of the Danes, a 40-year-old father of three, doesn't want to be named. The other doesn't care; he knows that as long as he avoids proscribed terrorist groups, he can't be prosecuted under Danish law. On the streets of Copenhagen he is known as Big A, a convicted drug trafficker and the leader of one of Denmark's most notorious organised crime gangs. But on the frontline in northern Syria, Abderozzak Benarabe is just another have-a-go jihadi, a man who joined the fight against Bashar al-Assad through a mix of restlessness, curiosity and a need for some kind of personal redemption.
I followed Benarabe's experiences in northern Syria and subsequently back in Copenhagen, for a documentary broadcast by the Guardian on Tuesday. The footage was shot in 2012, but the scenes it exposes take on added resonance in the light of mounting concerns about the number of Europeans believed to be flocking to Syria. Some estimates put the number at about 1,000.
It's not all plain sailing for the Dane. Benarabe's entry into Syria is secured by crawling through a hole in the Turkey-Syria border fence and running through fields for 10 minutes until he and his fellow travellers reach a waiting car. They are driven to Sarjeh, a city in the Zawiyah mountain region of Idlib, north-west Syria.
There, they meet a burly Canadian of Iraqi descent with a long beard and military fatigues. "God willing, we'll replace Assad with an Islamic state. I am tired of the immorality in Canada and if we succeed I'm going to live here," he said.
Also there are three Uzbeks. Two of them speak neither Arabic nor English, and have to communicate with the rebels with hand gestures.

Every morning, rebel fighters leave for a battle that's raging in the nearby city of Ariha. Benarabe endures a frustrating induction during which he isn't even given a weapon. He befriends a group of young fighters – they say they're 16, but look younger – and hangs out and shares cigarettes with them, and borrows one of their AK-47s to fire on an enemy target. He's clearly familiar with guns and needs no instruction on how to shoot.
But the sights of the battlefield are grim even for a man inured to violence. A machine-gunner gets shot in the face, just yards from where I am standing. The bullet penetrates his skull and hits another rebel behind him in the chest. Two more fighters are hit as they fire off rounds at the sniper. I follow them into the makeshift operating theatre – a bedroom in one of the houses – and film as two more rebels lie dying as doctors try in vain to perform CPR. Three are dead and their mourning comrades cover them with sheets.
The aerial bombardment intensifies and Benarabe and the rebels take shelter in the lower floor of the apartment blocks. The idea is that the bombs will not penetrate the upper floors. All they can do is wait and pray while the sound of the jets gets louder and the bombs fall. The blasts are getting closer. Suddenly a massive explosion shakes the building. Rubble falls, glass shatters and the air is thick with smoke and dust. It was very close.
The commander, Ibrahim Abu Muhammed – a small, softly spoken man with rosy cheeks – sits and reads his Qur'an.
"We're staying here and showing them that we are resilient," he says, looking his men in the eyes. "We'll show them we are only afraid of Allah."
That night, after they have been relieved by a contingent of fresh fighters, the other Dane starts to act strangely. He appears traumatised by the violence and becomes paranoid that the rebels want to kill him. He thinks my camera is making them nervous. To calm him down I stop filming, telling the commander my camera is broken.
For the next four days, Benarabe is at the forefront of the battle. He comes back one night with a grenade fragment that hit his backpack and his comrades tell of his bravery in leading charges and volunteering for every mission. The young fighters hope he will lead their unit, and Benarabe talks of buying a house in the town and funding and equipping the contingent himself. He has become even more fervent in his belief that he is fighting for a worthy cause. "We have to stop the Syrian army," he says, "Or we'll have more massacres like in Daraya."
But the commander quickly realises that Benarabe will be more useful to the rebel effort drumming up cash and supplies from Copenhagen.
Back in the Danish capital, Benarabe collects about £50,000 through donations and, it is rumoured, through "taxing" local drug dealers. He buys three mini-vans and fills them mostly with medical equipment, but he also says he's transporting some hi-tech military paraphernalia, including night-vision goggles and heat sensors.
He and some associates drive the cargo to Syria and hand it over to the rebels. Benarabe plans to stay and fight.
Big A gets to grips with a weapon Big A, who leads one of Denmark's most notorious gangs, needs no instruction in how to use a weapon. Then he drops off the radar. Soon afterwards, I hear he is back in Copenhagen. He never said why he didn't stay in Syria, but there was a flair-up in gang violence in Denmark at the time and there were rumours that rival gangsters were trying to muscle in on his turf.
I next catch up with him in Morocco, where he is hiding out from an aggravated assault charge. He is proud of what he's done in Syria, and still talks of being religious, but he says his loyalties to his gang have superseded anything else.
"These are my brothers, the people I grew up with, and when they need me I must do whatever I can for them."
Benarabe is currently in jail in Copenhagen. Last I heard, he was in hospital after being badly beaten by inmates from a rival gang.

Married to the mob?

Church procession detours its route to honour convicted Mafia crook – in defiance of Pope Francis who has excommunicated the mobsters





  • Procession in 'ndrangheta stronghold detoured to pass mobster's home
  • The 82-year-old convicted murderer was inside under house arrest
  • It's less than a month since Francis excommunicated 'ndrangheta members



Less than a month after Pope Francis excommunicated members of the mob, a church procession has apparently defied him by changing route to honour a convicted gangster.
The procession through Oppido Mamertina, a Calabrian town and stronghold of the 'ndrangheta crime syndicate, detoured to pass the home of an 82-year-old convicted murderer.
The mayor, local clergy, parents pushing baby strollers and dozens of local men carrying an ornate Madonna statue marched past the home of the killer who, because of his age, was allowed to serve out his life sentence under house arrest.

Interior Minister Angelino Alfano on Sunday denounced the tribute as 'deplorable and disgusting' and praised three Carabinieri policemen who abandoned the procession in disapproval.
Carabinieri officer Andrea Marino said he and his fellow officer walked away from the July 2 procession after the detour and headed to the church to complain about what happened.
 
One of Calabria's anti-Mafia prosecutors, Nicola Gratteri, told The Associated Press that the detour to the mobster's house appeared to be a 'challenge to the diktat' of Francis.
The 'ndrangheta, a global cocaine trafficker, is one of the world's most powerful crime syndicates. Religious rituals hold an important place in the mobsters' mentality.
On June 21, Francis, visiting Calabria, had denounced the 'ndrangheta for its 'adoration of evil' and said its members were excommunicated.

Oppido Mamertino's bishop, Monsignor Francesco Milito, said he would take undescribed 'measures' against those exploiting the church procession to pay homage to the local boss.
Elsewhere in southern Italy, other 'ndrangheta members appeared to have paid attention to the pope's words but perhaps not in the way he intended.
Another bishop, Monsignor Giancarlo Bregantini, told Vatican Radio Sunday that some 200 inmates in the maximum-security section of Larino prison told their chaplain they would boycott Mass.
They reasoned that if they had been excommunicated it made no sense for them to attend anymore
 
 

No, Pope Francis did not officially excommunicate the mafia

By now, the news is everywhere: the Pope has declared the mafia excommunicated from the Catholic Church: "Those who in their life have gone along the evil ways, as in the case of the mafia, they are not with God, they are excommunicated," he said on Saturday in the Italian city of Calabria. But did Francis really excommunicate the entire mafia from the Catholic Church?
Here are some things to consider.
Francis made the remarks during an outdoor mass in Calabria, the power base of the notorious mafia crime syndicate known as the 'Ndrangheta. Francis was in the area to meet with the family of a three-year-old boy who was gunned down last year by the mafia. Nicola "Coco" Campolongo, along with his grandfather and another adult, were shot in their heads. The car they were in was then doused in gasoline and set on fire.
Though his comments were harsh, they really shouldn't come as a shock. One of the defining themes of Francis' papacy has been his consistent call for economic justice, which, on many occasions, has manifested itself in his indictment of economic exploitation — something the mafia is known for. As Eric J. Lyman reported for USA Today, the 'Ndrangheta, with a reach extending stretching as far as Germany and Austria, amasses a revenue of around $75 billion — about 3.5 percent of Italy's gross domestic product. According to CNN, much of this profit comes from the global cocaine trade. The 'Ndrangheta, which number around 6,000 members, specialize in drug trafficking, murder, bombings, counterfeiting, gambling, frauds, thefts, labor racketeering, and loansharking, according to an FBI profile. It makes sense, then, that such a corrupt organization would receive condemnation from the Pontiff of the poor.
But Francis' critique of the mafia should not be seen as an official excommunication, according to Chad Pecknold, an assistant professor of theology at Catholic University of America. In Roman Catholicism, an official excommunication is a strict censure that deprives the excommunicated of fellowship with the rest of the Church body. When a Church member is excommunicated, she is not allowed to take communion. Excommunication, though severe, is not irreversible. According to Canon Law, the censure is "medicinal," meaning it's given to a Catholic in the hopes of urging him to repentance.
As Pecknold explained it to me, the Pope's comment was "just something he said in a homily — which is not a vehicle for disciplinary pronouncements." Further, excommunication is "only for individuals," and not entire organizations. Rather, said Pecknold, what Francis was doing was simply describing the "self-excommunication" the 'Ndrangheta is already experiencing because of their "serious sin."
Chris Haw, author of Jesus for President, and PhD student in theology at Notre Dame, told me to think of excommunication like a flashlight: "It just illuminates what's already the case." In other words, rather than officially shutting out mafiosi from the Church, Francis was describing their own self-alienation from "the common good."
So Francis did not officially kick the mafia out of the church. What he did was describe what he imagined to be the spiritual state of those who engage in the kind of behavior that results in the death of children and the exploitation of the poor. Those people, said Francis, are "not with God."
Correction: An earlier version of this article incorrectly attributed some quotes by Chad Pecknold to Chris Haw. We regret the error.